Jose maria sison work in philippines

They are required to optimize production in the semifeudal economy. The importation of these capital goods is paid for by the exportation of certain agricultural crops, mineral ores, semi-manufactures and cheap labor in the form of live men and women. These exports are however never enough and there is a perennial and growing trade deficit which is paid for with mounting foreign debt and direct investments which only entrench and worsen the problem.

So long as the aforesaid capital goods at the core of the Philippine forces of production are not reconstituted and harnessed to produce capital equipment, regenerate themselves and build a robust domestic capital goods industry, then there could be no genuine industrialization that will emerge from the present neocolonial pattern of trade. The Philippines lacks an industrial foundation and cannot be considered industrial capitalist, despite the baseless claim of bourgeois economists that it has become a newly-industrialized country.

It has rich mineral resources but these are merely extracted and exported to industrial capitalist economies. It has not developed metallurgy beyond the stage of primary processing or the mere extraction of mineral ores and it has no capacity for producing steel and other basic metals, machine tools, precision instruments and other basic means of industrial production.

All subsectors of the industry sector mining and quarrying, construction, refining of imported crude oil, assembly of cars and ships, electronic assembly, production of cement, chemicals and fertilizers, garments, industrial food and beverage processing, reshaping of imported plates, tubes and rods of steel and other metals, and so on are grossly dependent on imported electro-mechanical equipment, fuel and components pre-fabricated abroad.

What is passed off as manufacturing in electronics and transport equipment cars, trucks, motorcycles and ships is merely assembly of finished parts and components from abroad. What is passed off as shipbuilding is mainly welding of parts prefabricated abroad. What is passed off as steel industry is merely the reshaping of imported metal plates, tubes and rods.

All these kinds of semi-manufacturing or processing are run by foreign monopoly firms. These are privileged to have export processing or special economic zones, which are used for tax evasion and for smuggling not only knockdowns but also complete products, especially cars and motorcycles. The tax privileges are granted to foreign investors as incentives for them to reexport their products and sell a certain amount of seconds to the local market.

The imperialists, their puppets and other apologists of neoliberal policy also make the superficial and false claim that globalization is opening up alternative paths to industrialization by allowing backward countries to jump-start economic growth by leveraging their local advantages in labor, services, strategic natural resources and location, and even as tourist and tax havens—all in partnership with imperialist countries.

Since the Asian financial crisis of , there has been a sharp reduction in the assembly of semiconductors for reexport. Recently the so-called shipbuilding by Hanjin in Subic has been closed down. The reassembly of Japanese cars and motorcycles has also been drastically reduced. The crisis of overproduction in the entire world capitalist system is relentlessly assaulting this floating kind of industrial enterprises that have their foundation outside of the Philippines.

But with the use of the digital equipment from the most developed countries the crisis of overproduction becomes worse on a global scale, further discouraging the Filipino puppet leaders and their leaders to take the path of national industrialization. But conjure the illusion that the Philippines is a newly-industrialized country, the World Bank statistics for understate the GDP share of agriculture at 7.

However, the GDP share of the industry sector has supposedly declined despite its rise relative to the GDP share of agriculture. The shares of GDP and employment of what are the basic productive sectors of agriculture and industry are supposed to have declined since The extremely bloated service sector of the Philippine economy is not the outcome of an industrial capitalist economy.

Rather, it is the extension of an agriculture-based comprador capitalism exporting some commercial crops, mineral ores, prettified handicrafts and cheap labor by the millions and always begging for foreign loans to cover the deficits in trade and balance of payments due to the inadequate income from raw-material exports and the foreign exchange remittances of the documented and undocumented Filipino migrant workers.

In the other direction, the same comprador capitalism extends its import operations into consumer-driven local commercial and real estate operations, including tourism and travel. What we see is the grotesque image of an agriculture-based and big comprador-oriented economy with an extremely bloated service sector induced by imported consumer goods, neoliberal credit and public debt.

This pattern of a semifeudal economy is not peculiar to the Philippines but is seen in many other backward countries as confirmed by UN statistics. The share of agriculture is easily understated by the bourgeois economists and statisticians because the reactionary government does not take into account what the peasants and farm workers consume from their own labor and what they produce in handicrafts, forestry, swidden farming, hunting, backyard animal husbandry, fishing and other sideline occupations to augment their incomes from tilling the soil.

The peasant products remain within the household or within informal local markets, and thus circulate beneath the radar of bourgeois statistics. The number of peasants is also understated. Only the family heads and the children of 15 years and above are merely estimated, disregarding the fact that the entire family except the toddlers work as a productive force.

This official estimate of the Philippine Statistics Authority that the rural population is The gravity of the underdeveloped, agrarian, pre-industrial and semifeudal character of the Philippine economy is well manifested by the chronic severity of unemployment, underemployment, and overseas work as shown by official government statistics. Based on annual labor and employment estimates, Among those excluded from the labor force are an estimated 9 million of these who are at school and another 19 million of working age and fully unemployed, including those working overseas, officially estimated at only 2.

Most are out of school youth, housekeepers mostly women , and others who have stopped looking for work for various reasons. In the formal labor force, some 2. Thus, the total unemployment, including underemployment, reached more than 27 million as of This is This is even worse than the other internationally circulated official figures of 10 million or 22 percent of the total labor force of 45 million are unemployed and another 12 million of documented and undocumented migrant workers or 26 percent, amounting to 48 percent.

All types of unemployment have further spiked to higher levels this year due to the Covid lockdowns. The gravity of the underdeveloped and semifeudal character of the Philippine economy is underscored by the fact that a huge chunk of the labor force have to separate from their families to seek jobs abroad. It can be assumed that those who seek and take jobs abroad do so because of job scarcity in the Philippines.

They are as much unemployed by the Philippine economy like those many employables who take odd jobs in the so-called informal economy or who have given up looking for a job in their own country. If the Philippines were truly a newly-industrialized country, as South Korea and Taiwan and some Southeast Asian countries had been in the s and s, there would even be a labor shortage in the Philippines.

It is not possible for the Philippines to have become industrial capitalist or newly-industrialized economy because never has the reactionary government implemented genuine land reform and national industrialization in any period, be it in the period of foreign exchange controls and acclaimed promotion of import-substitution industries in the s or in any later period in which the economic policy would become even more adverse to national industrialization in the Philippines.

As the basic productive sectors, agriculture and industry, decline and the population grows, the reserve army of labor the unemployed grows and struggles for odd jobs in both rural and urban areas and those who can speak English hanker for jobs abroad. Frustrated with failure to get adequate employment, the growing mass of unemployed can also be an abundant source of revolutionary activists and Red fighters.

The revolutionary movement can never run short of recruits in the face of the worsening crisis of the domestic ruling system and the world capitalist system and the declining opportunities for employment. The relations of production describe best the semifeudal character of the Philippine mode of production. The chief ruling class is no longer the traditional rent-collecting landlord class of feudal times.

It is the comprador big bourgeoisie, which is the chief financial and trading agent of foreign monopoly capitalism and owns the big banks, export-import companies, shopping malls, construction, real estate companies and the like. At the same time, it owns the largest haciendas and related agribusinesses, including livestock and poultry farms, fishing fleets, agro-forestry schemes and stocks in mining companies to assure itself of primary commodities for export in exchange for the manufactures that it imports.

The comprador big bourgeoisie is often called the big comprador-landlord class to emphasize its semifeudal character, its hybrid character as merchant capitalist and feudal owner of haciendas. It engages in manufacturing but it imports the majority of its means of production, the fuel and most major components of the total product. It uses some amount of mechanization in its haciendas but continues to use the cheap labor of seasonal farm workers and collects from the widespread traditional rent-collecting landlords a large amount of agricultural surplus for local processing, domestic trade and export.

It has the biggest amount of bribe money to determine the big comprador character of the high bureaucrat capitalists as well as the results of elections at the national, regional, provincial and city levels. According to the latest figures, the 30 biggest of the comprador big bourgeois in the Philippines are as follows with their corresponding amounts of wealth in billions of US dollars: 1.

Sy siblings with Manuel Villar with 5, 3. Enrique Razon Jr. Jaime Zobel de Ayala with 3. Andrew Tan with 2. Lucio Tan with 2. Ramon Ang with 2, 9. Tony Tan Caktiong with 1. Lucio and Susan Co with 1. Mercedes Gotianun with 1. Ty Siblings with 1. Roberto Ongpin with 1. Soledad Oppen-Cojuangco with 1. Inigo Zobel with M, William Belo with M, Robert Coyiuto, Jr.

Look at the prevailing interests of congressmen and senators in their legislative deliberations. Look at the pitiful common man who cannot afford the cost of litigation in courts. There are many more things we can bring up that can expose which classes are the subject of the pacifactory or concessionary efforts of the state which is primarily interested in the preservation of the ruling classes.

We have today a state that serves imperialist and feudal interest and opposes the national democratic interests of the Filipino people. And yet it is still pontificated that the Philippine government is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The elections are supposed to be a decisive process or measure by which the Philippine political system is to be established and preserved.

Elections are supposed to allow the people to choose their representatives democratically. But the question that should be propounded by serious students of the Philippine political system is this: Is the electorate actually allowed to make a real and fundamental choice, say, a choice between political parties and candidates who stand for national democracy and those who stand for opposite interests?

It is superficial to say that a basic political choice is made possible to the electorate with the mere existence of two parties. A study of the platforms and the principal driving forces behind the Nacionalista Party and the Liberal Party shows that they are basically the same.

Jose maria sison work in philippines

Political campaigns require heavy financial support. It is standard operating procedure for the two parties to collect from moneyed interests, imperialist comprador and landlord. Nationalist businessmen give modest financial support to the political parties and candidates, but they are not as hard-driving a force as the imperialists and the compradors who have the greater capability for financing electoral campaigns.

The basic similarity of standpoint of the two parties is such that big, vested interests play it safe by giving financial support to both parties and all candidates. Whoever wins, it is still the vested interests that prevail. It is not only the fact that the electors go through the motion of voting for their candidates that create the illusion that a free and democratic choice of leadership is possible in this country.

It is also the fact that there are so many politicians who style themselves as men of humble origins and as men of the masses. And yet it is clear that they run for public offices because they themselves are members or running dogs of the exploiting classes. A percipient study of the Philippine politics would reveal that to become a mayor in a municipality, one must ordinarily have the support of the landowners who dictate blocs of passive tenant votes and that of the municipal bourgeoisie which includes the town professionals and the barrio captains who are usually rich peasants as ward leaders.

To run for congressman or governor, one has to get the same kind of classes support that a mayoralty candidate gets on a smaller scale. Within the province, the issues fought out skirt the problem of land although the basic class demand of the majority peasant population in the province is land reform. If it is ever mentioned in electoral campaign, what is skirted is the necessity for the poor peasants or the sharecroppers to band themselves together as a political force independent of the political control by rich peasants and the landlords themselves.

On the national scale, the politicians play it safe by not antagonizing the big, vested interests who are potential or tested campaign contributors or partners in business. The big conservative politicians play to the tune of the ruling class interests. The Nacionalista Party and the Liberal Party today monopolize the elections as the organizational instruments of basically the same vested class interests.

Even the Progressive Party of the Philippines, which apparently received a great deal of financial support from conservative sources, has shown its utter incapability to beat the electoral machinery of the Liberal Party and Nacionalista Party. The stability of the two-party system will for some time signify the stability of the regime of the ruling classes.

But let us watch with the keenest interest the growing realization by the people that the NP and LP are no different from each other and are not wholesome for the masses of the people. The masses are beginning to demand a new alternative party, truly different from the well-established conservative political parties. They are beginning to see the elections as a farce, as a mere occasion for the vested interests at the top to give the electorate the false illusion of democratic choice from among a highly limited range of personalities who have no basic political differences but who agree on taking personal advantage of their public offices, the winning of which is so expensive that the normal outcome consists of corrupt bureaucrats.

Sison was released by the new government of Corazon Aquino on 5 March not long after the fall of Marcos and his charges of subversion and rebellion were nullified. Not long after his release from prison, Sison travelled to the Netherlands but whilst there the Filipino government cancelled his passport forcing him to apply for political asylum in the Netherlands.

In , Sison, the CPP and the NPA were all designated at terrorists by the US and its allies at the request of the Filipino government and Sison continued to be harassed by the West until his name was removed from the list through a decision of the European Court of Justice in In Sison betrayed the socialist movement and collaborated with US propaganda outlet Radio Free Asia , an outlet which Sison had himself previously denounced repeatedly.

Sison released a message attacking socialist China through Radio Free Asia and announced that the CPP would target Chinese firms blacklisted by the Trump administration, which calls into question Sison's history as a revolutionary. Articles Library Essays Quotes. March 9, Retrieved September 5, Retrieved September 15, Sison, —61". ISSN JSTOR Angkang Pilipino.

December 16, Jose Maria Sison. Retrieved May 1, The Intellectuals and the Problems of Development in the Philippines. Philippine Society and Revolution. Revolutionary School of Mao Tsetung Thought. Archived from the original on April 14, Foreign Languages Press. Event occurs at Retrieved March 7, Trouw in Dutch. April 2, Archived from the original on September 6, Retrieved September 6, Sison, voorzitter van de Communistische Partij van de Filipijnen" [Council of State, Administrative Jurisdiction Division: Rejection, after previous annulment by the Judiciary Division, of application for admission as a refugee and grant of residence permit to J.

Sison, president of the Communist Party of the Philippines. Nederlands Juristenblad in Dutch. It is also misleading for the applicant to claim that he has been recognised as a refugee by the Raad van State and the Rechtbank. In fact, the applicant has never been granted refugee status or a residence permit in the Netherlands, as was confirmed by the Rechtbank.

Public Prosecution Service Openbaar Ministerie. August 28, Archived from the original on March 21, International Herald Tribune. The Associated Press. August 30, Retrieved August 30, NOS News in Dutch. Nederlandse Omroep Stichting. Archived from the original on September 30, GMA News Online. September Retrieved December 26, September 3, September 12, Archived from the original on February 12, Archived from the original on May 22, Archived from the original on December 26, Archived from the original on January 19, Archived from the original on March 22, Retrieved November 4, Retrieved July 24, Philippine Daily Inquirer.

Retrieved February 8, The Philippine Star. February 9, Retrieved February 9, Philippine Revolution Web Info. Retrieved December 17, CNN Philippines. December 17, Archived from the original on December 17, Mallari December 20, Retrieved December 20,